It's (S)not What You Think
Dec. 1st, 2006 03:55 pm![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png){kind=small}
teleidoplexTitle: It's (s)Not What You Think
Rating: PG13
Media: Iron Kingdoms
Summary: I wrote this as background for a Gobber character I was playing back when Iron Kingdoms first came out and there wasn't much Gobber information. With my anthropology background and my interest in gender, I ended up going...just a little crazy.
Disclaimer: I don't own Iron Kingdoms, and sadly their Gobber material ended up being nothing like mine.
It’s (s)Not What You Think:
A Guide to the Complexities of Gobber Culture and Social Organization
By Ander Vanderdusen,
Master of Alien Cultures at the College of Illumination, Ceryl
Introduction
Gobbers. If people wonder about them at all, the question is usually framed as “what are they?” I am not concerned with answering that question. Gobbers are not a “what”. They are an amazingly complex sentient species with a culture and social organization that should not be judged in human terms. I am interested in opening up a dialogue between this highly developed society and humankind, in the hopes that understanding can help mitigate the human disdain and racism that Gobbers are often met with.
To date, very little has been written about Gobbers. What has been written is at best biased interpretations based on casual encounters, but mostly it is blatantly speciesist anti-Gobber propaganda. Few people have taken the time to understand Gobber society or worldview. The ethnography I have written is based on twenty-five years of fieldwork in Gobber communities. My primary fieldwork was conducted with a group of five schuls, or communal townships, located in eastern Cygnar. I also made supplementary extended trips to other schuls in different parts of Cygnar and Khador. I conducted extended stays and interviews with urban Gobbers in Ceryl, Caspia, Highgate, Khardov and Five Fingers, and traveled with several different itinerant Gobbers through Cygnar, Khador and Ord. While some of my fieldwork revealed regional differences between Cygnarian Gobbers and Gobbers from other realms, the findings I am publishing in this preliminary work seem to be prevalent throughout Gobber schuls in the known world. It is my understanding that these findings do not apply to Bogrin cultural practices, and indeed Gobbers view the Bogrin as simplistic, uncivilized and barbaric.
I am incredibly grateful to my Gobber consultants, without whose understanding and patience this ethnography would never have come about. While I am the agent who is framing their culture for Human understanding and consumption, I wish it known that I am the student, and that Gobber understanding of their own culture goes far beyond anything that I could analyze or communicate. I offer many thanks to my teachers, and hope that this work will bring about the understanding and cooperation that they desire.
Gobber Language
In the past the bias against Gobbers has caused linguists to view Gibberish (the official Gobber term for their Molgur dialect) as an entirely different language group, or to write it off as...well, gibberish. More recent linguistic analysis has associated Gibberish with the Caspian language group (which includes the living languages of Cygnarian, Llaelese and Ordic), and preliminary analyses show that Gibberish might be descended from a proto-form of Caspian. Because of this, and because of increased contact over the past several centuries, there are a lot of shared cognates between the languages. Moreover, the languages share certain structural similarities. The main difference (and one that causes a lot of confusion in cross-cultural situations) seems to be concerning gender pronouns. This difference will be addressed in the discussion of Gobber genders.
Gobber Biology
Although it seems obvious to anyone interested in natural sciences, it often surprises layfolk to discover that Gobbers are not primates. They are not even mammals; they are warm-blooded freshwater amphibians. Thus, Gobbers often settle in river valleys or near lakes. They reproduce through laying eggs in clutches, which are then separately inseminated. Although they have evolved out of the water long enough that they are no longer adapted to living in the water, they are still tremendous swimmers, and retain their hairless, changeable skin as well as some other vestigal amphibious traits. Their amphibious nature also means that Gobbers do well in wetter climates. They need a high intake of water to keep themselves healthy. Also, in addition to regularly immersing themselves, they are apt to apply various unguents and mixtures to keep their skin moist and supple. It is thought that this interest in mixing chemicals for their skin may have been the beginnings of Gobber interest in alchemy.
It would be a mistake to attribute Gobber cultural difference from Humans to a biological difference. Although some Gobber lifeways are influenced by their biology, there are many other factors – including long-term association with humans – that have affected their cultural development.
Gobber Gender – Class, Age, Occupation and Agency
Gobber society is organized through rather fluid concepts of gender that can change greatly over a Gobber’s lifetime. Humans often perceive gender as a dichotomy, and class, age and occupation as separate and distinct identity categories, although in practice this is less clearly defined. Gobbers, on the other hand, organize gender around the Gobber’s role in the community, and thus gender is constructed through performance and agency rather than rigidly defined biological characteristics. As a Gobber’s role in the community changes over time, so does their gender.
Because Gobber gender categories are fluid, and because humans have such difficulty with the idea of multiple, non-dichotomous, non-biologically based genders, it is impossible to create a strict typology. Through simplification, however, I have attempted to delineate some fuzzy categories. These categories cannot be understood alone, but must be understood in terms of the Gobber life cycle that I discuss after them. When I communicated these categories to my Gobber consultants, they were amused at the simplicity of Human cultural understanding, but allowed that the categories and life-cycle description were accurate enough.
La’er
A Gobber who lays eggs. In Gobber estimation a la’er is the most important figure in Gobber society. La’ers go into their clutch cycles every 2-3 years and lay between 10-25 eggs. When a la’er is not in its clutch cycle, it leaves the Gobber community to pursue (and support itself through) other interests outside the community (education, business, etc.) This is because the la’er’s contribution and responsibility to the community is tied up with its eggs. Once it has clutched, it leaves so that it does not become a drain on the community’s resources. This is ironic, since the la’er (or la’ers in the case of more than one) own everything within their Gobber community (this will be discussed more under Gobber views on property rights).
After their first clutch, la’ers are contractually married to the community of their birth, and are expected to return when they enter their next clutch cycle. Gobber communities need a certain population level renewed at regular intervals, and la’ers are rare, so these contractual marriages form the basis of Gobber society and survival. According to Gobbers, la’ers always make it back to their community in time to clutch, but sometimes it happens that a la’er that has journeyed far from its home will clutch in a community it is not affiliated with. This is often a great blessing to the community (especially a community with few or no la’ers associated with it), and it is the main way that Gobber outbreeding occurs.
In Human society, la’er’s often are referred to by the gender pronoun “she”. To the Gobber mind, this is not an accurate pronoun. It often causes la’ers to be confused with some Workers and Drones (who may also be referred to as “she”). This is considered to be a grave insult to the la’er.
One of the easiest ways to differentiate between a la’er and a humanly ascribed “female” worker or drone is through the elaborate skin dying that la’ers practice. These dyes are mostly vegetable based, although some la’ers with an education in alchemy have started to create chemical dyes. There seems to be some association between the complex patterns and the schul affiliation of the la’er, but this association is too complex to be easily explained. Only la’ers participate in the skin dying, although it has recently become popular for seedier gobber whorehouses to paint up a drone as a la’er and pimp out “her” services.
La’ers are highly respected by all but the most bitter and disillusioned of Gobbers, although amongst the city-dwelling and Diaspora Gobbers there is a growing disdain for the old ways (or the “Schul-Ways” as they term them). This disdain at its most basic level is often expressed by a casual derision of the importance of La’ers (it is this ethnographer’s opinion that this derision is an adoption of the Human attitude regarding women’s roles).
Ma’er
The ma’er is the head of a particular household and the main organizing force in a community. In the absence of the la’er (which is most of the time), the ma’er is responsible for the development of the community and the allocation of its resources. The ma’er is also responsible for the advanced tutelage of the community’s Goobers. When a clutch is laid, the ma’ers of the community are expected to inseminate it.
Because of their importance in the day-to-day functioning of the community, ma’ers rarely travel. Dealings with the outside world are delegated to competent and trusted Workers. The only time that ma’ers travel is when a consortium is called between communities. This is a rare event, and is usually only implemented to deal with a regional problem.
A ma’er is the individual to whom the la’er is nominally married. This is a rather new development of the past century and may have been influenced by Gobber awareness of Human marriage customs. This new practice has certain benefits for Gobbers. In the past, a la’er was tied for life to the community it was born in. Now, if a la’ers spouse dies, the la’er can choose to negotiate a new contract with another community if it was not happy in its marriage to its birth township. Likewise, a township that has no associated la’ers might be able to woo a newly widowed la’er into a contractual marriage. This practice is also beneficial in that it opens up new avenues for outbreeding, as la’ers negotiate contracts with communities not of their birth. In some cases, however, it has proven problematic. Recently several large, centrally located communities have been able to woo widowed la’ers from small, peripheral townships. This results in a concentration of la’ers associated with one large community, yet several smaller communities without an avenue for renewal. The Gobbers I have communicated with are aware that this might lead to the development of Gobber cities (something unknown in Gobber history), and they are conflicted as to whether this would be a good thing for Gobberkind.
Fe’er
A role of great honor in the community, the Fe’ers are responsible for the care and upbringing of the snotlings. They have no other duties (although I have seen them and I believe that a group of 10 snotlings can be duty enough!). Often they have great influence with the grown Gobbers that they helped raise.
Pr’er
A pr’er is responsible for the ritual life of the community. An average community will usually have a “head” pr’er, with two-to-three “apprentices” of various levels. This is a distinction I am making based on observation. Gobbers do not overtly make any such distinction, however only “apprentice” pr’ers are allowed to travel outside the community. The “head” pr’er never leaves the community once he attains his primacy. The pr’ers live aesthetic, hermit-like existences on the fringes of the community, although they are accorded great social respect.
Worker
Next to the la’ers, these are the most well-traveled and cosmopolitan of the Gobbers. Chances are if you’ve met a Gobber, it’s a worker. Workers are Gobbers who fulfill a variety of tasks both within the community and in the wider world. Although not all workers are associated with a particular community, most have some familial bond of responsibility. Nor does this bond seem to chafe. Every worker I have consulted has felt that the success of its community was of primary importance, and that the community’s success reflected the worker’s success. This feeling seems supported by the fact that workers almost invariably choose to return to their community when injury or old age reduces their ability to function.
The one exception to this is the small (but growing) number of what I term “diaspora” workers. These are workers whose communities have died out or been destroyed through raids or disease. Most commonly found in Llaer, diaspora workers are a poignant group. Some manage to “purchase” their way into other communities, but usually report feeling as if they are outsiders. Others have banded together for support, although again they complain of feeling as if they’re not part of a “real” Gobber community. Most attempt to assimilate into Human society, but those assimilated Gobbers I spoke with reported feeling dissassociated and dissatisfied with their “human” lives.
Counter to this are the activities of several La’ers in Rhul (names withheld for their protection). They have set up a series of diaspora communities, and welcome any Gobbers who have been left homeless (especially those victims of the purges in Llaer). These communities are a hodgepodge assortment of Gobbers, mostly workers and drones. They do not quite conform to the structure of a traditional community, and they do not enjoy the same long-term familiarity that allows most Gobber communities to function. However, the determination of the residents has made these diaspora communities a success.
Drone
Drones are relegated to doing the least important, most menial tasks. Whereas workers pursue specialized crafts and knowleges, drones are the housemaids, cooks and fieldhands. To outsiders, the drones seem to be relegated to the lowest and least priveleged of the genders. Indeed, for a very long time I was troubled by what seemed to be a strict heirarchical caste system. I am not entirely satisfied that this is not the case, but very few drones complain of their lot. It may be that they do not have a vehicle for complaint, or that they fear to complain, but most drones claim that they have less responsibility to the community and therefore more freedom than any of the other genders.
Snotling
From the time that they are hatched until the age of 4-5, young Gobbers are referred to as snotlings and are not differentiated in any other way. Gobbers do not identify snotlings as “future la’ers” or “future drones”, etc. In twenty-five years I was not able to determine if this was cultural or biological, and was not able to discern any trend in the differences between individual snotlings that might indicate any future gender category. Snotlings are cared for by fe’ers, although they are granted the run of the community and are indulged and cosseted by all its members.
Goober
At around the age of 4-5, clutchmates begin to undergo certain physical changes. Their skin becomes a little more rubbery and they begin to gain control over their ability to camoflage. At this point they go through a coming-of-age ceremony, and their wardership is transferred to the ma’er or ma’ers of the community. The ma’ers take responsibility for training the goobers in a variety of basic knowleges and skills, including language, alchemy, religion, etc. Much of this training is carried out by the Workers.
As with snotlings, goobers do not seem to be gender segregated in any way.
Gobber Life Cycle
As mentioned before, Gobbers are clutching amphibians. A lone la’er will lay a clutch and leave it to be inseminated by a group of ma’ers. Care and maintenance of the juveniles is entrusted to Fe’ers while they are infants, and later to Ma’ers and Workers when the juveniles are adolescents. At the end of adolescence, a Gobber chooses their adult Gender identity. I say choice because this is how the Gobbers view it, and I have seen no biological evidence to suggest that this “choice” might be biologically determined. Most Gobbers choose to be Workers and Drones. In any clutch, one or two might become Ma’ers, Pre’ers or Fe’ers. La’ers are very rare, and most clutches will not include one. There seems to be some sort of mechanism for population control in this, though I have not determined how this mechanism works. It is interesting to note, however, that Gobbers have no history of population problems, either over- or under-.
Culturally, the Gobber life-cycle is rather complex. Juvenile Gobbers seem to be asexual; there is no outward indication of a difference in biological sexes. Snotlings (infants) undergo a coming of age ritual to become Goobers (adolescents), who later undergo another coming of age ritual to become whatever their adult gender identity is going to be. Fairly shortly after this second coming of age, the La’ers undergo their contractual marriage, lay their first clutch and leave the community until such time as they are ready to clutch again. Ma’ers begin to take responsibility for learning how to govern the community, and also participate in inseminating the new clutch. Fe’ers begin to prepare for the new infants. Workers and Drones apprentice themselves out within the community or leave to find opportunity elsewhere, so as not to be a drain on the community resources. Almost every Gobber who leaves retains at least nominal ties to their community. Many offer a tithe of some sort (in fact, this is the main way that Schuls obtain outside resources), and those that tithe often return to their community in old age.
As mentioned before, the Gobber life-cycle seems to be of primary importance in the determination of Gobber identity and place within the community. Snotlings are valued and cosseted, and discipline is rarely used on them (in point of fact, from a human perspective Snotlings can be rather outrageously irritating because they are practically encouraged to get into whatever trouble pleases them). Goobers are expected to exert a little more control, and are likewise burdened with a little more responsibility. General education and training are usually imparted during Gooberhood.
At the advent of adulthood, Gobbers are expected to take on adult responsibilities within and towards the communities. The adult identity continues to define the Gobber’s role for the rest of its life, although elderly Gobbers who have “retired” from their adult duties often enjoy a freedom akin to that of Snotlings.
Gobber Community and Ownership
Much of the Human derision of Gobbers has been based on the perception that Gobbers are untrustworthy thieves. An understanding of Gobber ideas of ownership might help mitigate this erroneous cultural sterotype.
If Gobbers were to think in Human cultural terms regarding ownership, then Gobber communities would not thrive. Instead, everything that exists within a Gobber community, including the resources sent by itinerant Workers and Drones, is “owned” by the La’ers of the community. It is understood, however, that during a La’er’s absence, the resources it owns are to be managed by the Ma’er for the good of the community, and that everyone has a right to partake of what is owned by the La’er. Thus, no Schul Gobber goes hungry or without necessities. While a La’er has the right to access the resources of its Schul, it usually does so sparingly, if at all. This is the closest thing to a maternal instinct that I have been able to find. The La’ers of a particular Scul know that to drain resources from that particular Scul is to potentially take food and safety from their children. In this way, resources are accumulated such that larger project can be undertaken, but these projects are almost always in the interests of the good of the community rather than associated with such things as status-building or the creation of class hierarchies (such as is often the problem in Human culture).
Gobbers feel (perhaps rightfully so) that their system of ownership makes more sense and is more successful than Human ones. They have a certain disdain for Human ideas of personal ownership and this, coupled with their deeply held notions that everything within a community is available for whomever needs it, leads to a certain laxity in respecting Human ideas of personal ownership.
Again, the recent restructuring of Gobber society within the past century has seen some changes within this system of ownership, and not to the best interests of Gobbers as a whole. In the larger, multi-La’er Gobber Schuls that have begun to develop, ownership has often been attributed more with the Ma’er, who might be married to several La’ers. Without the traditional system of checks and balances, this situation has sometimes developed into an accumulation of resources by one individual, who can then deploy them towards its own interests rather than the interests of the community. The artistic projects funded by Uukvinaggskerriv (Uuk) of Hasdrulff Scul, and the monumental architecture commissioned by Grednuggiraggog (Gred) of Muckly Scul, although commended by Humans, are examples of this corruption of Gobber economic social relations.
Gobber Religion
Religious and spiritual practices vary widely between Gobber Sculs. Some seem to practice a form of ancestor worship centered around the worldly exploits of deceased La’ers and Workers, others seem to have nominally adopted the spiritual practices of Human communities near them. Some seem to have an animistic or naturalistic form of worship, still others are almost atheistic in their practices and focus more on the current community than on a spiritual life. Most interesting is the number of Schuls that have developed a religious practice based on Alchemical and Scientific knowledges.
The one constant (although even this consistency is sporadic) seems to be with the Gobber creation stories, which are associated with the Godd/ess Dhunia, often referred to as the First La’er. The basic frame of the myth (though there are many variations) is that once when the world was perfect, Dhunia grew lonely and decided she wanted children. She chose to be a La’er, and in the shallows of a lake she deposited her clutch. But Dhunia had nobody to guard the clutch for her, and one day the Great Devourer Wurm, the Beast of Many Shapes, found the unguarded clutch. He inseminated them, and from that clutch hatched Gobberkind. When Dhunia discovered this she was sad, for the Gobbers were not wholly her children – they were the Devourer Wurm’s as well. She decided then that she must guard her next child better, and so she sheltered it in her womb, but again the Devourer Wurm coveted her child (for only Dhunia can birth creatures of sentience), and he raped her. From that Union there came Humans, and subsequent Unions birthed the other races of the Iron Kingdoms.
This of course means that at some level, Gobbers believe that they are related to the other races of the Iron Kingdoms, as all are seen to be children of Dhunia and the Devourer Wurm.
Gobber Sex (not to be confused with procreative activity)
Well, here it is, the only reason that most people are going to read this work. I almost chose to leave it out because I find the juvenile fascination that many Humans have with the details of Gobber sexuality to be both tactless and tasteless. It should not be fodder for buffoonish tavern jokes. It is my hope, however, that by presenting Gobber sexuality as something precious and profound, I might mitigate some Humans’ tendency towards infantile mockery.
As most people know, Gobber sexuality is based primarily around sensual play with body fluids. Although many body fluids are used, including insemination fluid and excretia, the primary one used is mucus, also known as snot.
This sensual play may take a variety of forms, from two Gobbers enjoying a private exchange to large groups of Gobbers massaging each other, letting the substance dry, then rewetting it to begin the play again. The pleasure seems to be primarily tactile. Gobber skin is much more sensitive than Human skin, and increased moisture increases the sensitivity of the skin.
Among adults there does not seem to be any kind of gender choice segregation when it comes to Gobber sexual activity, nor does there seem to be any shame associated with a Gobber’s choice of sexual partners. Goobers are marginally allowed to participate in adult Gobber sexual activity, mostly it seems in an introductory capacity, but Snotlings are not. Snotlings are, however, allowed to engage in sexual activity amongst themselves. The involvement of a La’er in any Gobber sexual activity seems to heighten the pleasure for all involved.
In the cities, Gobber whorehouses are becoming more and more popular. At first they were primarily frequented by Gobbers, though there have always been a few Humans and other races who have found a titilating allure in Gobber sexual activity, though mostly they only participate as observers. Recently, this interest has become more widespread (though certainly not mainstream). There are even a few high-class Gobber bordellos that cater only to Humans.
This shift has become something of a problem, again because of the different ways that the two cultures perceive prostitution. For Gobbers, there is no shame for a Drone or even a Worker to earn their living through prostitution. It is seen as providing a service within the Gobber community. Gobber-run whorehouses are often rather friendly, if a little rough-and-tumble, places, and act as almost Sculs away from Scul for the Gobber inhabitants and patrons. For Humans, however, prostitution is seen as a shameful, low act, and prostitutes are treated accordingly. Gobbers who are unlucky enough to work in Human run whorehouses, be they for Gobber patrons or Human patrons, are often miserable in their lot.
Gobbers find Human sexual activity rather clumsy and amusing. It does not have the transgressive attraction that Gobber sexual activity has for Humans. Recently, a transgressive practice has gained popularity amongst urban Gobbers, which is to have a Drone or Worker prostitute paint themselves with complex whorls that mimic the dyed ones of a La’er. Most of the Gobbers I spoke to refused to acknowledge that such a practice existed, and in the next breath denounced anyone who would insult the La’ers in this way. Still, this practice seems to be rapidly growing in popularity.
Conclusion
It should be the responsibility of every ethnographer to point out that their ethnography is not a Truth. I have consolidated and interpreted the observations of twenty-five years into a few pages. This means that generalizations have been made for which there are always exceptions. It should also be noted that what I have written is only “true” in the places I worked and for the time that I worked. Gobber society has gone through many stages, and has been very different in the past from the way it is now. It will be different in the future as well. The danger with any ethnography is that the culture represented in it comes to be seen as more “authentic” than the successful lived ways of the people it was about. I hope that by pointing this out, this will never become true of my ethnography. Gobber society is changing, and while some of it seems to be problematic, some of it seems to be healthy and good for the continuation of the people. It is my hope that when faced with decisions, Gobbers and others will place the value of what is healthy and good for the community in its specific situation over what is authentic to this ethnography.
Rating: PG13
Media: Iron Kingdoms
Summary: I wrote this as background for a Gobber character I was playing back when Iron Kingdoms first came out and there wasn't much Gobber information. With my anthropology background and my interest in gender, I ended up going...just a little crazy.
Disclaimer: I don't own Iron Kingdoms, and sadly their Gobber material ended up being nothing like mine.
It’s (s)Not What You Think:
A Guide to the Complexities of Gobber Culture and Social Organization
By Ander Vanderdusen,
Master of Alien Cultures at the College of Illumination, Ceryl
Introduction
Gobbers. If people wonder about them at all, the question is usually framed as “what are they?” I am not concerned with answering that question. Gobbers are not a “what”. They are an amazingly complex sentient species with a culture and social organization that should not be judged in human terms. I am interested in opening up a dialogue between this highly developed society and humankind, in the hopes that understanding can help mitigate the human disdain and racism that Gobbers are often met with.
To date, very little has been written about Gobbers. What has been written is at best biased interpretations based on casual encounters, but mostly it is blatantly speciesist anti-Gobber propaganda. Few people have taken the time to understand Gobber society or worldview. The ethnography I have written is based on twenty-five years of fieldwork in Gobber communities. My primary fieldwork was conducted with a group of five schuls, or communal townships, located in eastern Cygnar. I also made supplementary extended trips to other schuls in different parts of Cygnar and Khador. I conducted extended stays and interviews with urban Gobbers in Ceryl, Caspia, Highgate, Khardov and Five Fingers, and traveled with several different itinerant Gobbers through Cygnar, Khador and Ord. While some of my fieldwork revealed regional differences between Cygnarian Gobbers and Gobbers from other realms, the findings I am publishing in this preliminary work seem to be prevalent throughout Gobber schuls in the known world. It is my understanding that these findings do not apply to Bogrin cultural practices, and indeed Gobbers view the Bogrin as simplistic, uncivilized and barbaric.
I am incredibly grateful to my Gobber consultants, without whose understanding and patience this ethnography would never have come about. While I am the agent who is framing their culture for Human understanding and consumption, I wish it known that I am the student, and that Gobber understanding of their own culture goes far beyond anything that I could analyze or communicate. I offer many thanks to my teachers, and hope that this work will bring about the understanding and cooperation that they desire.
Gobber Language
In the past the bias against Gobbers has caused linguists to view Gibberish (the official Gobber term for their Molgur dialect) as an entirely different language group, or to write it off as...well, gibberish. More recent linguistic analysis has associated Gibberish with the Caspian language group (which includes the living languages of Cygnarian, Llaelese and Ordic), and preliminary analyses show that Gibberish might be descended from a proto-form of Caspian. Because of this, and because of increased contact over the past several centuries, there are a lot of shared cognates between the languages. Moreover, the languages share certain structural similarities. The main difference (and one that causes a lot of confusion in cross-cultural situations) seems to be concerning gender pronouns. This difference will be addressed in the discussion of Gobber genders.
Gobber Biology
Although it seems obvious to anyone interested in natural sciences, it often surprises layfolk to discover that Gobbers are not primates. They are not even mammals; they are warm-blooded freshwater amphibians. Thus, Gobbers often settle in river valleys or near lakes. They reproduce through laying eggs in clutches, which are then separately inseminated. Although they have evolved out of the water long enough that they are no longer adapted to living in the water, they are still tremendous swimmers, and retain their hairless, changeable skin as well as some other vestigal amphibious traits. Their amphibious nature also means that Gobbers do well in wetter climates. They need a high intake of water to keep themselves healthy. Also, in addition to regularly immersing themselves, they are apt to apply various unguents and mixtures to keep their skin moist and supple. It is thought that this interest in mixing chemicals for their skin may have been the beginnings of Gobber interest in alchemy.
It would be a mistake to attribute Gobber cultural difference from Humans to a biological difference. Although some Gobber lifeways are influenced by their biology, there are many other factors – including long-term association with humans – that have affected their cultural development.
Gobber Gender – Class, Age, Occupation and Agency
Gobber society is organized through rather fluid concepts of gender that can change greatly over a Gobber’s lifetime. Humans often perceive gender as a dichotomy, and class, age and occupation as separate and distinct identity categories, although in practice this is less clearly defined. Gobbers, on the other hand, organize gender around the Gobber’s role in the community, and thus gender is constructed through performance and agency rather than rigidly defined biological characteristics. As a Gobber’s role in the community changes over time, so does their gender.
Because Gobber gender categories are fluid, and because humans have such difficulty with the idea of multiple, non-dichotomous, non-biologically based genders, it is impossible to create a strict typology. Through simplification, however, I have attempted to delineate some fuzzy categories. These categories cannot be understood alone, but must be understood in terms of the Gobber life cycle that I discuss after them. When I communicated these categories to my Gobber consultants, they were amused at the simplicity of Human cultural understanding, but allowed that the categories and life-cycle description were accurate enough.
La’er
A Gobber who lays eggs. In Gobber estimation a la’er is the most important figure in Gobber society. La’ers go into their clutch cycles every 2-3 years and lay between 10-25 eggs. When a la’er is not in its clutch cycle, it leaves the Gobber community to pursue (and support itself through) other interests outside the community (education, business, etc.) This is because the la’er’s contribution and responsibility to the community is tied up with its eggs. Once it has clutched, it leaves so that it does not become a drain on the community’s resources. This is ironic, since the la’er (or la’ers in the case of more than one) own everything within their Gobber community (this will be discussed more under Gobber views on property rights).
After their first clutch, la’ers are contractually married to the community of their birth, and are expected to return when they enter their next clutch cycle. Gobber communities need a certain population level renewed at regular intervals, and la’ers are rare, so these contractual marriages form the basis of Gobber society and survival. According to Gobbers, la’ers always make it back to their community in time to clutch, but sometimes it happens that a la’er that has journeyed far from its home will clutch in a community it is not affiliated with. This is often a great blessing to the community (especially a community with few or no la’ers associated with it), and it is the main way that Gobber outbreeding occurs.
In Human society, la’er’s often are referred to by the gender pronoun “she”. To the Gobber mind, this is not an accurate pronoun. It often causes la’ers to be confused with some Workers and Drones (who may also be referred to as “she”). This is considered to be a grave insult to the la’er.
One of the easiest ways to differentiate between a la’er and a humanly ascribed “female” worker or drone is through the elaborate skin dying that la’ers practice. These dyes are mostly vegetable based, although some la’ers with an education in alchemy have started to create chemical dyes. There seems to be some association between the complex patterns and the schul affiliation of the la’er, but this association is too complex to be easily explained. Only la’ers participate in the skin dying, although it has recently become popular for seedier gobber whorehouses to paint up a drone as a la’er and pimp out “her” services.
La’ers are highly respected by all but the most bitter and disillusioned of Gobbers, although amongst the city-dwelling and Diaspora Gobbers there is a growing disdain for the old ways (or the “Schul-Ways” as they term them). This disdain at its most basic level is often expressed by a casual derision of the importance of La’ers (it is this ethnographer’s opinion that this derision is an adoption of the Human attitude regarding women’s roles).
Ma’er
The ma’er is the head of a particular household and the main organizing force in a community. In the absence of the la’er (which is most of the time), the ma’er is responsible for the development of the community and the allocation of its resources. The ma’er is also responsible for the advanced tutelage of the community’s Goobers. When a clutch is laid, the ma’ers of the community are expected to inseminate it.
Because of their importance in the day-to-day functioning of the community, ma’ers rarely travel. Dealings with the outside world are delegated to competent and trusted Workers. The only time that ma’ers travel is when a consortium is called between communities. This is a rare event, and is usually only implemented to deal with a regional problem.
A ma’er is the individual to whom the la’er is nominally married. This is a rather new development of the past century and may have been influenced by Gobber awareness of Human marriage customs. This new practice has certain benefits for Gobbers. In the past, a la’er was tied for life to the community it was born in. Now, if a la’ers spouse dies, the la’er can choose to negotiate a new contract with another community if it was not happy in its marriage to its birth township. Likewise, a township that has no associated la’ers might be able to woo a newly widowed la’er into a contractual marriage. This practice is also beneficial in that it opens up new avenues for outbreeding, as la’ers negotiate contracts with communities not of their birth. In some cases, however, it has proven problematic. Recently several large, centrally located communities have been able to woo widowed la’ers from small, peripheral townships. This results in a concentration of la’ers associated with one large community, yet several smaller communities without an avenue for renewal. The Gobbers I have communicated with are aware that this might lead to the development of Gobber cities (something unknown in Gobber history), and they are conflicted as to whether this would be a good thing for Gobberkind.
Fe’er
A role of great honor in the community, the Fe’ers are responsible for the care and upbringing of the snotlings. They have no other duties (although I have seen them and I believe that a group of 10 snotlings can be duty enough!). Often they have great influence with the grown Gobbers that they helped raise.
Pr’er
A pr’er is responsible for the ritual life of the community. An average community will usually have a “head” pr’er, with two-to-three “apprentices” of various levels. This is a distinction I am making based on observation. Gobbers do not overtly make any such distinction, however only “apprentice” pr’ers are allowed to travel outside the community. The “head” pr’er never leaves the community once he attains his primacy. The pr’ers live aesthetic, hermit-like existences on the fringes of the community, although they are accorded great social respect.
Worker
Next to the la’ers, these are the most well-traveled and cosmopolitan of the Gobbers. Chances are if you’ve met a Gobber, it’s a worker. Workers are Gobbers who fulfill a variety of tasks both within the community and in the wider world. Although not all workers are associated with a particular community, most have some familial bond of responsibility. Nor does this bond seem to chafe. Every worker I have consulted has felt that the success of its community was of primary importance, and that the community’s success reflected the worker’s success. This feeling seems supported by the fact that workers almost invariably choose to return to their community when injury or old age reduces their ability to function.
The one exception to this is the small (but growing) number of what I term “diaspora” workers. These are workers whose communities have died out or been destroyed through raids or disease. Most commonly found in Llaer, diaspora workers are a poignant group. Some manage to “purchase” their way into other communities, but usually report feeling as if they are outsiders. Others have banded together for support, although again they complain of feeling as if they’re not part of a “real” Gobber community. Most attempt to assimilate into Human society, but those assimilated Gobbers I spoke with reported feeling dissassociated and dissatisfied with their “human” lives.
Counter to this are the activities of several La’ers in Rhul (names withheld for their protection). They have set up a series of diaspora communities, and welcome any Gobbers who have been left homeless (especially those victims of the purges in Llaer). These communities are a hodgepodge assortment of Gobbers, mostly workers and drones. They do not quite conform to the structure of a traditional community, and they do not enjoy the same long-term familiarity that allows most Gobber communities to function. However, the determination of the residents has made these diaspora communities a success.
Drone
Drones are relegated to doing the least important, most menial tasks. Whereas workers pursue specialized crafts and knowleges, drones are the housemaids, cooks and fieldhands. To outsiders, the drones seem to be relegated to the lowest and least priveleged of the genders. Indeed, for a very long time I was troubled by what seemed to be a strict heirarchical caste system. I am not entirely satisfied that this is not the case, but very few drones complain of their lot. It may be that they do not have a vehicle for complaint, or that they fear to complain, but most drones claim that they have less responsibility to the community and therefore more freedom than any of the other genders.
Snotling
From the time that they are hatched until the age of 4-5, young Gobbers are referred to as snotlings and are not differentiated in any other way. Gobbers do not identify snotlings as “future la’ers” or “future drones”, etc. In twenty-five years I was not able to determine if this was cultural or biological, and was not able to discern any trend in the differences between individual snotlings that might indicate any future gender category. Snotlings are cared for by fe’ers, although they are granted the run of the community and are indulged and cosseted by all its members.
Goober
At around the age of 4-5, clutchmates begin to undergo certain physical changes. Their skin becomes a little more rubbery and they begin to gain control over their ability to camoflage. At this point they go through a coming-of-age ceremony, and their wardership is transferred to the ma’er or ma’ers of the community. The ma’ers take responsibility for training the goobers in a variety of basic knowleges and skills, including language, alchemy, religion, etc. Much of this training is carried out by the Workers.
As with snotlings, goobers do not seem to be gender segregated in any way.
Gobber Life Cycle
As mentioned before, Gobbers are clutching amphibians. A lone la’er will lay a clutch and leave it to be inseminated by a group of ma’ers. Care and maintenance of the juveniles is entrusted to Fe’ers while they are infants, and later to Ma’ers and Workers when the juveniles are adolescents. At the end of adolescence, a Gobber chooses their adult Gender identity. I say choice because this is how the Gobbers view it, and I have seen no biological evidence to suggest that this “choice” might be biologically determined. Most Gobbers choose to be Workers and Drones. In any clutch, one or two might become Ma’ers, Pre’ers or Fe’ers. La’ers are very rare, and most clutches will not include one. There seems to be some sort of mechanism for population control in this, though I have not determined how this mechanism works. It is interesting to note, however, that Gobbers have no history of population problems, either over- or under-.
Culturally, the Gobber life-cycle is rather complex. Juvenile Gobbers seem to be asexual; there is no outward indication of a difference in biological sexes. Snotlings (infants) undergo a coming of age ritual to become Goobers (adolescents), who later undergo another coming of age ritual to become whatever their adult gender identity is going to be. Fairly shortly after this second coming of age, the La’ers undergo their contractual marriage, lay their first clutch and leave the community until such time as they are ready to clutch again. Ma’ers begin to take responsibility for learning how to govern the community, and also participate in inseminating the new clutch. Fe’ers begin to prepare for the new infants. Workers and Drones apprentice themselves out within the community or leave to find opportunity elsewhere, so as not to be a drain on the community resources. Almost every Gobber who leaves retains at least nominal ties to their community. Many offer a tithe of some sort (in fact, this is the main way that Schuls obtain outside resources), and those that tithe often return to their community in old age.
As mentioned before, the Gobber life-cycle seems to be of primary importance in the determination of Gobber identity and place within the community. Snotlings are valued and cosseted, and discipline is rarely used on them (in point of fact, from a human perspective Snotlings can be rather outrageously irritating because they are practically encouraged to get into whatever trouble pleases them). Goobers are expected to exert a little more control, and are likewise burdened with a little more responsibility. General education and training are usually imparted during Gooberhood.
At the advent of adulthood, Gobbers are expected to take on adult responsibilities within and towards the communities. The adult identity continues to define the Gobber’s role for the rest of its life, although elderly Gobbers who have “retired” from their adult duties often enjoy a freedom akin to that of Snotlings.
Gobber Community and Ownership
Much of the Human derision of Gobbers has been based on the perception that Gobbers are untrustworthy thieves. An understanding of Gobber ideas of ownership might help mitigate this erroneous cultural sterotype.
If Gobbers were to think in Human cultural terms regarding ownership, then Gobber communities would not thrive. Instead, everything that exists within a Gobber community, including the resources sent by itinerant Workers and Drones, is “owned” by the La’ers of the community. It is understood, however, that during a La’er’s absence, the resources it owns are to be managed by the Ma’er for the good of the community, and that everyone has a right to partake of what is owned by the La’er. Thus, no Schul Gobber goes hungry or without necessities. While a La’er has the right to access the resources of its Schul, it usually does so sparingly, if at all. This is the closest thing to a maternal instinct that I have been able to find. The La’ers of a particular Scul know that to drain resources from that particular Scul is to potentially take food and safety from their children. In this way, resources are accumulated such that larger project can be undertaken, but these projects are almost always in the interests of the good of the community rather than associated with such things as status-building or the creation of class hierarchies (such as is often the problem in Human culture).
Gobbers feel (perhaps rightfully so) that their system of ownership makes more sense and is more successful than Human ones. They have a certain disdain for Human ideas of personal ownership and this, coupled with their deeply held notions that everything within a community is available for whomever needs it, leads to a certain laxity in respecting Human ideas of personal ownership.
Again, the recent restructuring of Gobber society within the past century has seen some changes within this system of ownership, and not to the best interests of Gobbers as a whole. In the larger, multi-La’er Gobber Schuls that have begun to develop, ownership has often been attributed more with the Ma’er, who might be married to several La’ers. Without the traditional system of checks and balances, this situation has sometimes developed into an accumulation of resources by one individual, who can then deploy them towards its own interests rather than the interests of the community. The artistic projects funded by Uukvinaggskerriv (Uuk) of Hasdrulff Scul, and the monumental architecture commissioned by Grednuggiraggog (Gred) of Muckly Scul, although commended by Humans, are examples of this corruption of Gobber economic social relations.
Gobber Religion
Religious and spiritual practices vary widely between Gobber Sculs. Some seem to practice a form of ancestor worship centered around the worldly exploits of deceased La’ers and Workers, others seem to have nominally adopted the spiritual practices of Human communities near them. Some seem to have an animistic or naturalistic form of worship, still others are almost atheistic in their practices and focus more on the current community than on a spiritual life. Most interesting is the number of Schuls that have developed a religious practice based on Alchemical and Scientific knowledges.
The one constant (although even this consistency is sporadic) seems to be with the Gobber creation stories, which are associated with the Godd/ess Dhunia, often referred to as the First La’er. The basic frame of the myth (though there are many variations) is that once when the world was perfect, Dhunia grew lonely and decided she wanted children. She chose to be a La’er, and in the shallows of a lake she deposited her clutch. But Dhunia had nobody to guard the clutch for her, and one day the Great Devourer Wurm, the Beast of Many Shapes, found the unguarded clutch. He inseminated them, and from that clutch hatched Gobberkind. When Dhunia discovered this she was sad, for the Gobbers were not wholly her children – they were the Devourer Wurm’s as well. She decided then that she must guard her next child better, and so she sheltered it in her womb, but again the Devourer Wurm coveted her child (for only Dhunia can birth creatures of sentience), and he raped her. From that Union there came Humans, and subsequent Unions birthed the other races of the Iron Kingdoms.
This of course means that at some level, Gobbers believe that they are related to the other races of the Iron Kingdoms, as all are seen to be children of Dhunia and the Devourer Wurm.
Gobber Sex (not to be confused with procreative activity)
Well, here it is, the only reason that most people are going to read this work. I almost chose to leave it out because I find the juvenile fascination that many Humans have with the details of Gobber sexuality to be both tactless and tasteless. It should not be fodder for buffoonish tavern jokes. It is my hope, however, that by presenting Gobber sexuality as something precious and profound, I might mitigate some Humans’ tendency towards infantile mockery.
As most people know, Gobber sexuality is based primarily around sensual play with body fluids. Although many body fluids are used, including insemination fluid and excretia, the primary one used is mucus, also known as snot.
This sensual play may take a variety of forms, from two Gobbers enjoying a private exchange to large groups of Gobbers massaging each other, letting the substance dry, then rewetting it to begin the play again. The pleasure seems to be primarily tactile. Gobber skin is much more sensitive than Human skin, and increased moisture increases the sensitivity of the skin.
Among adults there does not seem to be any kind of gender choice segregation when it comes to Gobber sexual activity, nor does there seem to be any shame associated with a Gobber’s choice of sexual partners. Goobers are marginally allowed to participate in adult Gobber sexual activity, mostly it seems in an introductory capacity, but Snotlings are not. Snotlings are, however, allowed to engage in sexual activity amongst themselves. The involvement of a La’er in any Gobber sexual activity seems to heighten the pleasure for all involved.
In the cities, Gobber whorehouses are becoming more and more popular. At first they were primarily frequented by Gobbers, though there have always been a few Humans and other races who have found a titilating allure in Gobber sexual activity, though mostly they only participate as observers. Recently, this interest has become more widespread (though certainly not mainstream). There are even a few high-class Gobber bordellos that cater only to Humans.
This shift has become something of a problem, again because of the different ways that the two cultures perceive prostitution. For Gobbers, there is no shame for a Drone or even a Worker to earn their living through prostitution. It is seen as providing a service within the Gobber community. Gobber-run whorehouses are often rather friendly, if a little rough-and-tumble, places, and act as almost Sculs away from Scul for the Gobber inhabitants and patrons. For Humans, however, prostitution is seen as a shameful, low act, and prostitutes are treated accordingly. Gobbers who are unlucky enough to work in Human run whorehouses, be they for Gobber patrons or Human patrons, are often miserable in their lot.
Gobbers find Human sexual activity rather clumsy and amusing. It does not have the transgressive attraction that Gobber sexual activity has for Humans. Recently, a transgressive practice has gained popularity amongst urban Gobbers, which is to have a Drone or Worker prostitute paint themselves with complex whorls that mimic the dyed ones of a La’er. Most of the Gobbers I spoke to refused to acknowledge that such a practice existed, and in the next breath denounced anyone who would insult the La’ers in this way. Still, this practice seems to be rapidly growing in popularity.
Conclusion
It should be the responsibility of every ethnographer to point out that their ethnography is not a Truth. I have consolidated and interpreted the observations of twenty-five years into a few pages. This means that generalizations have been made for which there are always exceptions. It should also be noted that what I have written is only “true” in the places I worked and for the time that I worked. Gobber society has gone through many stages, and has been very different in the past from the way it is now. It will be different in the future as well. The danger with any ethnography is that the culture represented in it comes to be seen as more “authentic” than the successful lived ways of the people it was about. I hope that by pointing this out, this will never become true of my ethnography. Gobber society is changing, and while some of it seems to be problematic, some of it seems to be healthy and good for the continuation of the people. It is my hope that when faced with decisions, Gobbers and others will place the value of what is healthy and good for the community in its specific situation over what is authentic to this ethnography.
